The electoral platform suggested it, and the composition of the Council of Ministers confirmed it: nationalism will take less place.

François Legault’s guard will be cemented by Eric Girard (Finance), Pierre Fitzgibbon (Economy, Innovation, Energy) and Sonia LeBel (Treasury). All people we might have seen in the Liberal Party in a different era. With Geneviève Guilbault, a former press attaché in the Charest government, who has been confirmed in her role as Deputy Prime Minister, and Christian Dubé, who remains the health shop steward.

In the dark blue camp, second-time dad Simon Jolin-Barrette (Justice) was released from the voice file. He will be busy elsewhere with his family law reform and conducting parliamentary work. Bernard Drainville will have his hands full in education, where his mandate is more to fix the network than to implement a major project. Other notable nationalist voices in the Council of Ministers will be Jean-François Roberge (Intergovernmental Affairs), André Lamontagne (Agriculture) and, to a lesser extent, Mathieu Lacombe (Culture).

Of course you can participate in all discussions. But offer what?

Most of the nationalist camps are behind the CAQ.

During his first term, Mr. Legault devoted much energy to reforming Bill 101, the bill State Secularism Lawthe unnecessary score test and the temporary lowering of immigration thresholds — a year-long reduction that will have done little except complicate the already-planned transition to the new application-processing system.

Those who know Mr. Legault wonder if he really cares. After all, he spoke little about it when he returned to politics in 2011. He had even prevented the Marois government from strengthening French protection.

While the disturbing new data on the weakening of French no doubt motivated him, there is more. He also wanted to “give the majority a little”. And opposition from the federal government and the Canadian intelligentsia influenced him. It has become a question of autonomy. He seemed less passionate about the debate about secularism than about the right for Quebec to choose its own model.

And in culture, he increased the budget and launched his Blue Spaces project, a heritage, art and museum project that has raised the suspicion of some museologists.

In the eyes of Mr. Legault, it is mainly the identity files that are checked. He can turn to his real priorities: business and education.

Here his nationalism is expressed. Basically, the topic is reflected less in his actions than in what motivates him. As a proud Quebecer, he rejects our economic backwardness compared to Ontario and our lack of education. That’s what interests him most.

In November 2015, Mr. Legault presented his new project for nationalists. His wish list was long…

The vast majority met with Ottawa’s disapproval. But Mr. Legault does not tolerate ambiguity well. In response to the impasse of independence, he left the Parti Québécois. And I can’t see him spending the next few years running against the same federal wall.

All indications are that Quebec will not administer the federal budgets that affect it in terms of culture, nor will it receive a transfer of tax points, a single tax return, or control of port infrastructure and the Building Canada Fund on its territory.

“Full” recognition of the nation in the constitution also remains blocked, as do calls for veto power and Senate reform.

The CAQ document also talked about increasing health transfers and promoting inter-provincial free trade. But these are consensual priorities shared by the PLQ.

We hear little about Mr. Jolin-Barrette’s plan to pass a Quebec constitution. It’s still there, but it doesn’t seem to be a priority – it wasn’t mentioned in the campaign.

It is difficult to predict the belligerence of the new Secretary of State for Intergovernmental Affairs, Mr Roberge. But when he complains about Ottawa’s lack of funding, the Trudeau administration can remind him that Quebec isn’t even spending all available federal funds on infrastructure…

Only active nationalist struggle remains for the CAQ: control of a small category of immigration, family reunification. The federal government is against it because the impact on the French would be small, but the human shock would be painful.

This useless confrontation obscures two really important issues.

The first is to make better use of current powers on temporary immigration. Currently, Ottawa rejects French-speaking African candidates who want to go to the regions much, much more than English-speaking ones who enroll at McGill and Concordia. It should be the opposite, and Quebec should fight for it.

The second is Frenchization. And Quebec already has all the powers to do that. This eliminates any excuse for the CAQ to repeat the failure of its predecessors.

And we could add the return of the boomerang to language and religious signs. The courts could scrap parts of these laws. The identity debate would be revived and Mr Legault will still want to “give a little” to the French-speaking majority. Especially if it bothers the Liberals…